The Corporate & Commercial Law Society Blog, HNLU

Tag: economics

  • The Insolvency Blind Spot: Why India Needs a Tailored Resolution Framework for Cooperative Banks

    The Insolvency Blind Spot: Why India Needs a Tailored Resolution Framework for Cooperative Banks

    SOMESH RAI, FIFTH- YEAR STUDENT AT DBRANLU, SONEPAT

    INTRODUCTION

    The Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code (‘IBC’) was brought in the year 2016. The IBC brought in speed, certainty, and transparency, and for a while, it seemed that India had finally bridged the gaps in its insolvency regime. However, the events of 2020 exposed a critical blind spot in this seemingly comprehensive framework. Even as the IBC extended its ambit to corporate entities, partnerships, and individuals, cooperative banks, an important financial institution and integral part of India’s credit system, remained outside its scope. The fall of the Punjab & Maharashtra Cooperative Bank revealed the blind spot of IBC and its inadequacy to deal with the insolvency of cooperative banks, leaving depositors highly vulnerable and regulators constrained. The problem is not only historical but a persistent threat, underscored by more recent incidents of co-operative banks like the New India Co-operative Bank in early 2025. The core blind spot remains in the failure of a framework to handle the failure of co-operative bank is still dangerously absent.

    COOPERATIVE BANKS IN INDIA

    Cooperative Banks are community-driven financial institutions that work on a democratic principle different from commercial banks. Commercial banks, which are typically incorporated under the Companies Act, 2013, are ideally profit-driven enterprises. They are financial institutions that are owned by shareholders, managed by professionals, and driven by a primary objective, which is maximizing the profit for their investors. At their core, commercial and cooperative banks are built on different philosophies.

    The fundamental difference lies in who holds the power. While commercial banks are owned by shareholders, cooperative banks are owned and managed by their members, who control the institution through a democratic process based on the “one person, one vote” principle. This democratic governance, where members elect their own board of directors, is the cornerstone of the cooperative model.

    THE TWO CAPTAIN SHIP

    Imagine a single ship with two captains steering it, each with their own set of maps and responsibilities. This is, how a cooperative bank is regulated. The two captains here are the Reserve Bank of India (‘RBI’) and the Registrar of Cooperative Societies (‘RCS’). The RBI is responsible for the bank’s “banking and financial” functions. This includes issuing licenses to a new cooperative bank under Section 22 of the Banking Regulation Act 1949, setting prudential norms like the capital to risk-weighted asset ratio and non-performing asset classification, and regulating its core banking operations under the Banking Regulation Act, 1949. RCS is a state-level authority (or central, for multi-state societies) that governs the bank’s “cooperative” character. The RCS is in charge of incorporation, registration, management, board elections, and, most critically, the audit and liquidation under Section 86 of the Multi State Cooperative Societies Act, 2002, (or winding up) of the society under the respective State Cooperative Societies Act. Cooperative Banks are formed either under acts of the state legislature, depending on their coverage in a state, or under the Multi-State Cooperative Societies Act of 2002, an act of the Parliament of India, if they provide their services in multiple states. The Multi-State Cooperative Societies Act governs the cooperative character of banks. In contrast, the Banking Regulation Act, 1949, grants the Reserve Bank of India certain powers related to the financial functioning of banks.

    This bizarre split originates from the Constitution of India itself. Under the Union List, the Central Government has exclusive power to legislate on “Banking” as per Entry 45, List I. In contrast, under the State List, the state governments have power over “Co-operative societies” as per Entry 32, List II. This constitutional division is the legal bedrock of the dual control problem.

    This split establishes a no-man’s land when it comes to regulatory oversight, giving a chance for malpractices to occur. The Punjab & Maharashtra Cooperative Bank crisis is the textbook example of this two-captain system failing catastrophically. This meant that the RBI, the country’s financial watchdog, could see the major red flags in PMC’s lending practices through its false balance sheets and fake entries showing NPA’s as standard assets But even when it spotted these problems, its hands were tied. Under the Banking Regulation Act of 1949, it simply didn’t have the direct power to punish the managers responsible for the fraud.  

    On the other hand, there was the Registrar of Cooperative Societies. This was the authority in charge of the bank’s management and board, but they often lacked the specialized financial expertise to really understand the complex risks involved in modern banking. This created a perfect catastrophe. PMC’s board, which answered mainly to the registrar, was able to manipulate records and hide its massive, fraudulent exposure to Housing Development & Infrastructure Limited for years, knowing that no single authority had complete and effective oversight. It was a classic case of shared responsibility becoming no one’s responsibility, where each regulator could just assume the other was watching, allowing the fraud to grow unchecked until the bank imploded.

    THE INSOLVENCY BLINDSPOT

    When any big company in India goes down, we immediately hear three letters: IBC. The Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code, 2016, is our country’s modern and powerful tool for addressing corporate failure. So, when a cooperative bank fails, the most logical question is, why can’t we just use the IBC?

    The answer is buried in the legal provisions of the IBC itself, and it is the primary reason cooperative bank depositors are left vulnerable. IBC’s main tool is the Corporate Insolvency Resolution Process initiated against a “corporate debtor“.

    This is where the legal trail begins-

    1. Who is a “Corporate Debtor”? The IBC defines it under section 3(8) as a as a “corporate person” who owes a debt to someone.
    2. Who is a “Corporate Person”? Under Section 3(7) of the IBC, it is defined as a “corporate person” as a company, a Limited Liability Partnership (LLP), or any other body with limited liability explicitly excluding any financial service provider.
    3. What is a “Financial Service Provider”? The IBC then defines a “financial service provider” in Section 3(17) as any entity engaged in the business of providing “financial services” under a license from a financial sector regulator. The definition of “financial services” in Section 3(16) is broad and includes activities like “accepting of deposits”.

    A cooperative bank, by its very nature, accepts deposits from the public and is partially regulated by the RBI. This makes it a “financial service provider” under the IBC’s definition. Because financial service providers are excluded from the definition of a “corporate person,” hence a cooperative bank is not considered a “corporate debtor.” Therefore, the entire machinery of the IBC, designed for swift and efficient resolution, cannot be applied to it, which creates a legal loophole, a blind spot of the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code 2016.

    It was a deliberate attempt by The Bankruptcy Law Reforms Committee, which drafted the IBC, to keep the financial institutions out of the standard Corporate Insolvency Resolution Process(‘CIRP’) for particular reasons, such as

    1. Systemic Risk: A bank is deeply interconnected with the rest of the financial system. Its failure can trigger a domino effect, causing a “contagion” that could destabilize other healthy institutions and the economy as a whole.
    2. Nature of Creditors: The creditors of a bank are thousands, sometimes millions, of ordinary depositors whose life savings are at stake unlike commercial creditors. A standard insolvency process is not designed to handle this kind of widespread public impact.
    3. Need for a Specialized Framework: Due to these unique risks, lawmakers believed that financial firms required their own specialized framework for resolution. Section 227 of the IBC empowers the union government to create special rules for the insolvency of financial service providers.

    The problem is that while the government did use this power to notify a special framework for certain large Non-Banking Financial Companies, cooperative banks were left out. They were excluded from the primary IBC process but were never included in a viable, alternative one. They were left stranded in a legal grey zone, subject only to the old, slow, and inefficient winding-up processes under the control of State Registrars. This deliberate, yet incomplete, legislative action is the ultimate reason why the failure of a cooperative bank becomes a prolonged nightmare for its depositors.

    FIXING THE BLIND SPOT: IS THERE A WAY FORWARD?

    The 2020 amendment to the Banking Regulation Act was a good first step, but it didn’t go far enough. While it tightened the rules to help prevent future failures, it left the fundamental insolvency gap wide open. The real nightmare for depositors isn’t just a bank failing but the broken, slow-motion, and completely uncertain resolution process that follows. Recognizing this, the RBI constituted an Expert Committee on Urban Co-operative Banks, chaired by former Deputy Governor N. S. Vishwanathan. Its key recommendations included A Four-Tiered Regulatory Framework The idea was to classify Urban Cooperative Banks into four different tiers based on the size of their deposits. It recommended the creation of a national-level apex body for Urban Cooperative Banks, now established as the National Urban Co-operative Finance and Development Corporation (‘NUCFDC’) to provide capital, liquidity support, technological infrastructure, and fund management services.

    Nevertheless, even these vital reforms do not fix the insolvency blind spot. They are a preventative medicine, and not a surgical process. They aim to keep the patient healthy but offer no new procedure if the patient suffers a catastrophic failure.

    The ultimate solution must be legislative. The government needs to either amend the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code to bring cooperative banks under a special, tailored version of the CIRP or create an entirely new, parallel resolution regime for them. The “two captain ship” must now be decommissioned and a new law must establish a single, empowered resolution authority. The RBI can be the sole authority with all financial oversight, supervision and resolution power vested in it limiting RCS to its cooperative governance. This new framework must be time-bound unlike the traditional slow liquidation process to both preserve the bank and protect depositors. A tier-based framework should be brought in where smaller banks in tier 1 should have a simplified process for swift amalgamation or mandatory payout of insured deposits within 15-20 days. And for larger banks a bridge bank can be established to ensure uninterrupted service to depositors during the liquidation process. Further in cases where a cooperative bank is showing signs of financial distress (but is not yet collapsed), the RBI could trigger a “Supervised resolution period.” During this time, the banks management will be statutorily required to prepare a pre-packaged merger or sale plan with a healthy institution like the pre-packed resolution process given for MSMEs under IBC. If the bank’s health deteriorates past a certain point, this pre-approved plan can be activated instantly which will prevent the post collapse chaos. Until these legal loophole in the IBC are closed, the money of millions of Indians will remain exposed to the very paradox that brought PMC Bank to its knees, the paradox of a bank that is not entirely a bank when it matters most.

  • India’s Basel III Paradox: Failure of Mechanics Not Morals

    India’s Basel III Paradox: Failure of Mechanics Not Morals

    BY SMARAK SAMAL, LL.M STUDENT AT NLSIU, BANGALORE

    INTRODUCTION

    It is significant to write down a paradox that openly and dauntingly exists in the Indian banking system, and it should not be reduced to a conflict between strict regulations and lax implementation. There have been multiple occurrences in the Indian system, where white-collar actors have been able to get around the procedural flaws in banking regulations without having to go for deceptive techniques because these safety nets work well as a tool. Yes Bank, Infrastructure Leasing & Financial Services (‘IL&FS’), and Punjab National Bank’s (‘PNB’) crises are indications that they were not just typical governance failures but rather savage attacks on particular systemic underpinnings. The article’s main focus is the willful breach of Basel III regulations, which clarifies topics outside the typical crisis history and improves comprehension of system convergence. To give certain clarity, Basel III relies on 3 core Pillars. Pillar 1 ensures that banks have sufficient capital to absorb market, credit and management risks and hence sets up minimum capital requirements. Whereas supervisory guidance compelling regulators to measure bank’s internal risk control mechanisms and inducing concrete steps when defaults are recognized are acknowledged in Pillar 2. Lastly, Pillar 3 integrates market discipline by warranting public disclosures, permitting market participants and investors to judge a bank’s risk portfolio.

    PNB: THE CIRCUMVENTION OF PILLAR 1 OPERATIONAL RISK CAPITAL

    To start with the PNB scam, which was made possible by Letters of Undertaking (‘LoUs’), was both dramatic and a prime example of the inherent flaws in the Basel III methodology. The Basic Indicator Approach (‘BIA’) is being used by Indian banks to model operational risk in capitalisation. According to the BIA, banks must have capital that is equivalent to 15% of their average gross earnings over the previous three years.The true deception of the scheme lay in avoiding this exact calculation.

    Basically, the fabricated LoUs were exchanged through the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (‘SWIFT’) mechanism but never really entered into PNB’s Core Banking Solutions (‘CBS’). Since the official books of the bank were never made aware of these transactions, they never fed into the gross-income figure upon which the BIA is calculated.Thus, PNB’s reported operational-risk capital appeared adequate on paper but was derived from data that unobtrusively sidestepped multi-billion-dollar exposure. Theoretically, there was nothing technically wrong with the BIA formula except that its inputs were corrupted, rendering the compliance meaningless.

    This indicates that Pillar 1’s strict capital ratios come into play only when the bank’s data generation processes are maintained rigorously. The collapse of Pillar 2 calls for Supervisory and Evaluation Process (‘SREP’), which is marked at this juncture. Since 2016, the Reserve Bank of India has issued warnings regarding the dangers of handling SWIFT outside of the CBS.These cautions went unheeded and hence, PNB’s non-compliant “compliance reports” were approved during inspections.  This further suggests that, Pillar 2 supervision can’t be a mere ministerial exercise. It requires digging into the technical details of the Bank’s system since even one missing integration can render the entire Pillar 1 capital framework useless.

    IL&FS: SUBVERTING PILLAR 1 CREDIT RISK VIA A CORRUPTED PILLAR 3

    On the other side, the crisis of IL&FS highlights how  failure in market discipline can directly poison the foundation of Pillar-1’s credit risk calculation. The failure in market discipline can be attributed to violation Pillar 3. Referring to the Basel III Standardised Approach, rating a corporate borrower according to its external credit rating enables Indian banks to establish the corresponding risk weight. For instance, a borrower with a credit rating of “AAA” only attracts a risk weight of 20 percent, and thus, a bank is only required to set aside a tiny amount of capital to cover such an exposure. With an unmanageable debt load exceeding ₹91,000 crore in origin, IL&FS maintained the highly sought-after “AAA” rating from the establishment of Indian rating agencies till a few weeks prior to its default. In fact, the agencies damaged all banks holding IL&FS assets since they failed to raise an alarm in their purported Pillar 3 role of market discipline. The Standardised Approach forced lenders to classify what was effectively a ticking time bomb as a low-risk asset, making their reported capital adequacy levels misleading and needless.

    The distinctive lesson is that the credibility of credit rating organisations closely correlates with the effectiveness of a standardised methodology. In addition to the active supervision of rating agencies and knowledge of conflicts of interest inherent in the issuer-pays model, the self-correcting nature of market forces is a myth. In the absence of trustworthy ratings, Pillar 1’s capital calculations will be a wasteful exercise that will give the financial system a false sense of security.

    YES BANK: GAMING CREDIT RISK NORMS THROUGH ASSET MISCLASSIFICATION

    The bedrock of credit risk management’s honest asset classification was hit hard by the Yes Bank debacle. Evergreening, or lending to problematic borrowers to pay off the interest on past-due obligations, was the fundamental strategy used by the bank. According to the RBI’s Prudential Norms on Income Recognition, Asset Classification, and Provisioning (‘IRAC’), any loan that is past due by more than ninety days must be recorded as a non-performing asset (‘NPA’).

    The connection to Basel III is rather straightforward. The classification of a loan determines the risk weight that is allocated to it under Pillar 1. The risk weight of a corporate loan is typically 100%. However, the risk weight rises to 150 percent and the provision requirements dramatically increase resulting in poor NPA levels. Yes Bank overstated its capital adequacy ratio and negated the need for the Pillar 1 framework by concealing problematic loans under a “standard” classification, understating both its provisioning and its Risk-Weighted Assets (‘RWAs’).

    This only adds to the troubles past this case because under the regulator’s Pillar 2 supervision, the bank showed massive NPA divergences, meaning banks’ reported bad loans and practically a margin higher by regulators. In FY19, as per RBI’s report the gross NPA stood at Rs.11,159 Crore against the declared Rs.7,882 Crore, revealing glaring disparity of 41%. However, strong action from the central bank was delayed, allowing CEO Rana Kapoor’s evergreening to become systemic. Hence, after the RBI finally stepped in, it forced his resignation and arranged the rescue.

    The takeaway is straightforward, though details concerning the classification of assets create credit risk and capital rules. The supervisors who willfully ignore the innocent misreporting don’t simply look the other way; they knowingly participate in the manipulation of Basel requirements, pushing systemic risk under the cover of compliance.

    THE INEFFECTIVE LEGAL BACKSTOP

    When regulation and supervision collapse, the legal system is supposed to provide the last remedy, but in Indian banking the legal backstop has not been able to fulfil this role effectively. The Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code, 2016 was designed to give time-bound resolution and has indeed changed promoter behaviour, but in practice most cases have crossed statutory deadlines, and by the time resolution occurs, the asset value is already diminished. The haircut problem therefore reflects not the defect of IBC alone but the failure of governance and supervision before insolvency. Nevertheless, law as a mechanism of providing remedy, loses its efficacy when procedural timelines are disregarded and asset value is diminished.

    The legal backstop that would have been the ultimate means of holding to account has turned out to be the weakest link. Instead of introducing speed of action, it introduces filters of postponement and ambiguity. Systematic risks continue to be exist even with Basel III plus in action due to lack of effective deterrence which results in further intensifying the paradox and calling for effective solutions.

    These financial crises highlight the necessity to strengthen the Basel Pillars through structural, technological and supervisory reforms. To prevent breakdown of Pillar 1 operational risk safeguards, regulators shall make any manipulation technologically undoable by compulsory, forensic system-integration audits under the RBI’s Pillar 2 ‘SREP’. It will further enable Straight Through Processing (‘STP’) between SWIFT and CBS, supported by verifiable automated reconciliation and alerts for accurate entries. Failure of Pillar 3 market discipline and disputes in Credit Rating System (‘CRA’) was exposed in IL&FS crisis and situations like this could be avoided if RBI adopts a supervisory veto by imposing higher risk weights when external ratings hide stress. Further, by enforcing penalties on auditors and CRA’s for negligence to secure integrity and accountability implementation.

    CONCLUSION: FORGING A CULTURE OF CONSEQUENCE

    The study is also looking at the main bank frauds from the Basel III perspective, within the framework of an analytical grouping with a goal at its limits. In the end, they show that the primary flaw in the Indian banking system is not laws or regulations that take on complicated shapes, but rather how they are applied. This seems to be a recurring theme: the supervisory review in Pillar 2, as covered in more detail in this section, has not adequately evaluated the procedural integrity of Pillar 1 and Pillar 3 processes. Capital ratios are regarded as final measures since they focus entirely on quality of inputs such as credit ratings, asset classification and transactional data acting as key quantitative benchmarks and headline indicators.

    India’s Basel paradox therefore is not about rules but about accountability. It is only when consequence is enforced swiftly and firmly that Basel norms can function as real protection rather than a symbolic framework. Cultivating this culture of consequence is essential if the integrity of the financial system is to be preserved.

    In the long run, this involves more than just anticipating when the banks will file their compliance reports. Supervisory oversight must shift to real time analytics from retrospective assessment, alerting instant identification of evergreening and misclassification through integrated monitoring mechanism .

    The integrity of the systems themselves as well as the integrity of the gatekeepers engaged need to be examined more thoroughly. Bank audits with a technological bent, credit rating agencies’ accountability, and the heightened examination of the misclassified asset class. Systemic integrity will be a regulatory fantasy but not an institutional reality unless India adopts the mechanical foundations of the Basel framework.