The Corporate & Commercial Law Society Blog, HNLU

Tag: Securities Law

  • From Price Control to Market Discipline: Reading SEBI’s Base Expense Ratio Reform in Comparative Perspective

    From Price Control to Market Discipline: Reading SEBI’s Base Expense Ratio Reform in Comparative Perspective

    BY AADIT SHARMA, SECOND YEAR STUDENT AT RMLNLU, LUCKNOW

    INTRODUCTION

    India’s mutual fund industry has experienced accelerated growth with assets under management increasing from ₹72.2 lakh crores in May 2025 to ₹80.8 lakh crores by November 2025 with retail investors having a larger chunk in the market. It is in this context of rapid market expansion and retail involvement that the Securities and Exchange Board of India’s (‘SEBI’) circular dated 17 December 2025(‘Circular’) introducing the Base Expense Ratio (‘BER’) has been primarily discussed as a numerical or transparency-driven intervention. The earlier Total Expense Ratio (‘TER’) was a single, all-inclusive umbrella cap that bundled together the fund’s core management fees, distributor commissions and operating costs along with various statutory and regulatory levies (such as GST, STT, Stamp Duty and SEBI fees) into one consolidated percentage. The now introduced BER includes unbundling of costs. It states that the BER will only include the base core scheme-level expenses such as management fees, distribution costs and routine administration, while statutory and regulatory levies are excluded and charged separately on actuals. 

    This article argues that the BER framework reflects a measured shift by SEBI from merit-based price control towards disclosure-led market discipline, while consciously stopping short of full deregulation. When viewed in a comparative international context, the reform reflects a cautious alignment with global regulatory trends rather than a blind replication of foreign models.

    FROM BUNDLED CONTROL TO SELECTIVE TRANSPARENCY

    Prior to the circular, mutual fund expenses in India were regulated under a TER framework that bundled discretionary fund management fees with statutory and regulatory levies such as GST, Securities Transaction Tax, exchange fees, and SEBI charges. Although nominally framed as a disclosure-based ceiling, the TER regime functioned substantively as merit regulation because SEBI did not merely mandate disclosure of costs but prescribed binding ceilings on total expenses regulated under SEBI (Mutual Funds) Regulations, 1996. By prescribing category-wise caps on the aggregate chargeable expense, SEBI effectively determined what constituted a ‘reasonable’ cost structure for mutual funds, embedding its regulatory judgement directly into cost limits. Investor protection under this framework was achieved less through competitive pricing or informed choice and more through ex ante regulatory intervention. Even where SEBI permitted limited add-ons such as the additional allowance of up to 0.05 basis points in specified circumstances, including exit load–linked expenses, the underlying architecture remained one of bundled cost control, with statutory pass-through levies obscuring the true pricing of fund management services.

    The BER reform marks a deliberate reconfiguration of this approach. By separating core fund management costs from statutory and regulatory levies, now charged on actuals, SEBI has partially withdrawn from adjudicating the fairness of total expenses. Instead, it has enabled investors to evaluate the pricing of asset management services independently of compulsory charges. This shift represents a recalibration rather than an abandonment of regulatory control: while aggregate cost assessment is displaced in favor of transparency and comparability, SEBI has consciously retained category-wise caps on the base component. This reflects continued skepticism about the disciplining capacity of markets in a retail-dominated ecosystem. However, the reform is not without structural consequences. Although statutory levies are excluded for all funds under the BER framework, the practical benefits of this change are not evenly distributed. Large Asset Management Companies (AMCs)which typically operate close to the regulatory TER ceiling benefit from the removal of mandatory levies such as GST and transaction-related taxes from the capped expense head, as this reclassification restores usable pricing space and cushions margin pressure without requiring any adjustment to headline fees. Smaller AMCs, by contrast, generally price their schemes below regulatory caps and therefore derive limited incremental flexibility from the reform. While the BER framework advances transparency, but does not significantly change competitive conditions, as its practical benefits accrue mainly to AMCs constrained by existing expense ceilings. This outcome underscores the limits of disclosure-led governance in addressing distributive and competitive asymmetries that were previously moderated through aggregate cost controls.

    COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE: CONVERGENCE AND DELIBERATE DIVERGENCE

    A.    United States: Disclosure Without Price Ceilings

    In the United States (‘US’) mutual fund regulation is   administered by the Securities and Exchange Commission (‘SEC’) under the Investment Company Act of 1940. It is premised on a combination of disclosure, investor education and procedural safeguards rather than direct regulation of fee levels. The SEC does not impose ceilings on expense ratios; instead funds are required to disclose management fees, distribution expenses (including 12b-1 fees) and operating costs in standardized formats leaving pricing discipline to investor choice and competitive pressures. The SEC requires that mutual funds disclose the expense ratios in key documents such as the prospectus and shareholder reports enabling investors to compare costs across funds.

    By contrast SEBI’s BER framework reflects a more cautious regulatory stance. Although disclosure has been strengthened through cost unbundling, SEBI has retained category-wise caps on base expenses, signaling an institutional judgement that disclosure alone may be insufficient to discipline pricing in a predominantly retail market.

    B. European Union: Transparency with Behavioral Framing

    The European Union’s (‘EU’) regulatory framework particularly under the Packaged retail and insurance-based investment products (PRIIPs), places strong emphasis on cost transparency through mandatory Key Information Documents . The EU regulatory framework is premised on the view that disclosure is effective only when it can be readily understood by retail investors. Accordingly, the PRIIPs regime requires investment costs to be presented in standardized formats and in many instances to be expressed in monetary terms over defined holding periods rather than only as percentages. This approach reflects an explicit regulatory acknowledgement that purely numerical disclosures may not be sufficient to inform investors in decision-making.

    SEBI’s BER framework aligns with the EU’s approach in unbundling costs and enhancing comparability across schemes but differs in its method of disclosure. While the Indian framework improves numerical transparency by separating base expenses from statutory levies it does not mandate behavioral framing or investor-oriented presentation of costs.  The reform enhances visibility of pricing components  but stops short of shaping how investors interpret or process that information.

    Taken together, these comparisons indicate that SEBI’s reform represents hybrid regulatory design. It borrows transparency mechanisms from global best practices while retaining structural controls suited to domestic conditions. The result is neither full convergence with them nor resistance to them but selective adaptation.

     THE LIMITS OF DISCLOSURE AS INVESTOR PROTECTION

    Disclosure-based regulation rests on the assumption that investors are able to read, understand and meaningfully compare cost information across financial products. In practice, this assumption is unevenly satisfied in India’s predominantly  retail driven mutual fund market. Levels of  low financial literacy are entangled with perceived complexity and limited information on investors’ part. As a result, the investors rely on intermediaries, brand reputation or recent returns rather than cost metrics when making investment decisions. In this context, the BER framework may improve the visibility of expense components without necessarily altering investor behavior. While headline base expense figures are now easier to identify, investors may underappreciate the cumulative impact of statutory levies charged separately or may continue to prioritize short-term performance over cost efficiency. As a result, transparency may not translate into effective market discipline. This does not undermine the regulatory rationale of the BER reform, but it highlights an inherent limitation: disclosure can function as a meaningful tool of investor protection only where investors possess the capacity and incentives to use the information disclosed.

    CONCLUSION: MAKING TRANSPARENCY EFFECTIVE

    The introduction of the BER marks a recalibration of mutual fund regulation rather than a completed transition. By unbundling statutory levies from core scheme expenses SEBI has created the conditions for improved cost comparison but transparency alone will not ensure market discipline unless it is operationalized through complementary regulatory practices.

    To realise the BER framework’s potential, post-implementation monitoring must assume central importance. SEBI should systematically track how expense structures evolve under the new regime and whether cost efficiencies are passed on to investors or absorbed within margins and distribution incentives. Periodic, category-wise publication of BER trends could strengthen competitive pressure without additional rulemaking.

    The impact of disclosure also depends on how intermediaries operate. In a market dominated by retail investors, transparency at the scheme level will have limited effect if distributors continue to shape investment decisions without regard to costs. Unless distributor incentives and point-of-sale disclosures reflect BER-related cost differences, investors are unlikely to use this information in practice. In addition, small improvements in how costs are presented such as showing base expenses alongside statutory levies can help investors better understand the total cost of investing, even without introducing formal behavioral mandates.

    Read this way the BER reform is best understood as a foundational step. Its success will depend less on arithmetic recalibration and more on whether transparency is translated into sustained pricing discipline through monitoring, intermediary oversight and usable disclosure.

  • Beyond Arbitrage: The High-Speed Scandal That Shook Dalal Street

    Beyond Arbitrage: The High-Speed Scandal That Shook Dalal Street

    PRIYANSHI JAIN, FOUTH-YEAR STUDENT AT INSTITUTE OF LAW, NIRMA UNIVERSITY

    INTRODUCTION

    India’s ₹4,844 crore Jane Street case was not just about fraudulent trading; it attacked the very credibility of India’s securities market. It is about whether the world’s largest derivatives market is built on a settlement system that can easily be manipulated.

    On July 2025, the Securities Exchange Board of India (‘SEBI’) passed an interim order against the Jane Street group, an American proprietary trading firm, for its alleged manipulation of the Bank Nifty index derivatives during expiry-day trading. The order seized nearly ₹4,844 crore and barred the firm from accessing Indian markets while proceedings continue. It was SEBI’s largest enforcement action of its kind and immediately drew attention across financial and legal circles.

    The case matters because it highlights the structural flaws in India’s market framework. Unlike the United States (‘US’) and European Union (‘EU’), which use closing auctions, or Singapore, which employs randomized settlement windows, India continues to rely on a 30-minute Volume-Weighted Average Price (‘VWAP’) to settle expiries. VWAP, an indicator derived from price and volume that represents the average price of a security, is increasingly outdated. Entity-level surveillance misses group strategies and doctrinal standards under the Prohibition of Fraudulent and Unfair Trade Practices Regulations, 2003 (‘PFUTP’), which remain unclear. SEBI’s order looks powerful in the headlines, but in reality, its durability before tribunals is far less certain.

    EXPIRY-DAY MECHANICS AND VULNERABILITIES

    To understand why SEBI’s order matters, it is necessary to see how expiry in India works. When Bank Nifty future options expire every Thursday, their final settlement value is not taken from the last traded price. Instead, it is computed using the VWAP of the index in the last half-an-hour before trading closes. The problem lies in VWAP as it can be influenced. Large, well-timed trades placed near the close can push the average up or down, even if only slightly. This practice is known as “marking the close”, and it can tilt the expiry settlement in a direction favourable to those who hold large options positions. In theory, these trades appear genuine; however, in reality, they are buy or sell orders, and their purpose is to manipulate the benchmark rather than reflect true supply and demand.

    The stakes are high as Bank Nifty is India’s most heavily-traded derivatives contract. As per SEBI’s own analysis, nearly 9/10 of retail derivatives traders lost money, with Bank Nifty options driving much of this activity. Even a slight change in VWAP can result in major retail losses. Unlike the US or EU, where expiry markets are dominated by institutions with hedging strategies, India’s market is retail-driven. This implies that structural fragilities like VWAP distortions inflict disproportionate harm on individuals who are least equipped to hedge risk. What looks like a technical flaw in design is a transfer of wealth from small investors to sophisticated firms.

    VWAP was chosen to avoid the distortions of last-trade settlement, but in practice, it creates a different vulnerability: it concentrates risk in a short window that sophisticated traders can target. The Jane Street episode illustrates that the vulnerability is not in one firm’s strategy but in the structure of the expiry system itself.

    LEGAL FRAMEWORK AND DOCTRINAL STANDARDS

    PFUTP Regulations, 2003

    SEBI’s case against Jane Street rests mainly on the Prohibition of Fraudulent and Unfair Trade Practices (PFUTP) Regulations, 2003. Regulation 3 prohibits the use of fraudulent or deceptive devices, and Regulation 4(1) bans trading practices that create a false or misleading appearance of trading or manipulate prices.

    Indian tribunals have consistently required a high threshold for providing manipulation. In Ketan Parekh v. SEBI (2006), (‘Ketan Parekh’), the Securities Appellate Tribunal (‘SAT’) held that a case must show the creation of an artificial price backed by intent, not merely aggressive or opportunistic trading. In Nirma Bang Securities v. SEBI (2004), the SAT emphasised that trades must produce a false appearance; if the orders are real and executed transparently on an exchange, they may not qualify as fraud. In DSQ Software Ltd. v. SEBI (2002), (‘DSQ Software’), expiry-day manipulation was penalised, but the case turned on circular trades and matched orders, not exploitation of settlement mechanics.

    Under Ketan Parekh, influencing VWAP may not amount to an “artificial” price at all, since VWAP is the legally prescribed benchmark. Under the Nirmal Bang case, Jane Street’s trades were genuine, transparent, and on-exchange, which made it difficult to argue that they created a “misleading appearance”. And unlike DSQ Software, where sham trades propped up expiry values, here the trades were economically real, albeit timed strategically. SEBI must therefore stretch precedent to fit behaviour that exploits design flaws rather than violates market integrity in the conventional sense.

    SEBI ACT, 1992

    The SEBI Act, 1992, grants the regulator broad powers to act in the interest of investors. Section 11 establishes SEBI’s mandate, while Sections 11B and 11D allow it to issue interim directions, including barring firms from markets. Section 12A prohibits manipulative conduct, and Section 24 provides for criminal sanctions.

    Interim orders under these provisions are often passed ex-parte, which enables SEBI to act quickly. Yet their durability is fragile. On appeal before the SAT or the Supreme Court, regulators must present evidence that meets the strict doctrinal tests of “artificial price” or “misleading appearance”. As past jurisprudence shows, SEBI’s broad preventive powers are constrained by how tribunals interpret manipulation, and orders that appear stringent at first glance often face dilution when they are tested against precedent.

    FPI REGULATIONS, 2019

    SEBI also cited breaches of the Foreign Portfolio Investor Regulations, 2019 (‘FPIRegulations’). Regulation 20(4) restricts intraday netting of trades across affiliates. The logic is to prevent one entity from using multiple arms to take offsetting positions. However, India’s surveillance remains entity-based, not consolidated. If affiliates or sub-accounts operate in coordination, their trades may escape detection unless positions are aggregated at the group level.

    This creates a structural blind spot. SEBI can penalise one entity, but coordinated strategies across multiple offshore vehicles may remain invisible. The Jane Street episode underscores how global trading firms can exploit the limits of surveillance architecture rather than simply breaching the letter of the law.

    SEBI’S INTERIM ORDER: STRENGTHS AND LIMITS

    SEBI’s interim order against Jane Street was notable for its speed and scale. Within days of the expiry, SEBI had impounded nearly ₹4,844 crore and imposed a trading ban. The sheer size of the disgorgement sent a deterrent signal not only to foreign portfolio investors but also to domestic proprietary desks that expiry-day strategies would be scrutinized closely. By framing the order around retail investor protection, SEBI strengthened its optics: Bank Nifty is retail-heavy, and positioning the case as a defence of small investors bolstered regulatory legitimacy. SEBI’s action is depicted as forceful yet legally fragile, because proving manipulation under PFUTP technically requires showing an artificial or misleading price, and Jane Street’s on-exchange, economically significant trades may be viewed as lawful VWAP exploitation unless regulators prove the trades lacked any legitimate economic purpose, a stance appellate bodies like the SAT have taken in narrowing “manipulation” in past cases. The order also highlights a surveillance gap: by focusing on entity-level positions, current systems may miss coordinated strategies run across affiliates or sub-accounts, implying that without group-level oversight enforcement can become piecemeal, penalizing one entity while broader structure remains unaddressed. The upshot is a recurring cycle where headline penalties signal resolve, but fragile legal footing leads to dilution or reversal on appeal unless settlement frameworks and surveillance architectures are overhauled to withstand scrutiny and capture cross-entity orchestration at scale.

    COMPARATIVE INSIGHTS AND REFORM DIRECTIONS

    India should pivot from a 30-minute VWAP expiry to transparent closing auctions or hybrid windows to curb benchmark tilts and concentrate integrity where liquidity is deepest. Sequencing pilots on F&O names and phasing towards auctions aligns with global practice and SEBI’s active consultations, while guarding liquidity optics. At the same time, regulators should mandate group-level disclosures and beneficial ownership look-through, operationalized via standardized, trigger-based reporting and a lead-regulator model. Cross-border Memorandum of Understandings with explicit timelines and data schemes should backstop enforcement against SPVs and secrecy regimes. Finally, the pair auction closes with AI-assisted surveillance under human oversight, restrained on labelled expiry datasets to manage false positives.

    CONCLUSION

    The Jane Street episode underlines that India’s episode underlines that India’s expiry framework itself is vulnerable. VWAP-based settlement concentrates risk in a narrow window, while entity-level surveillance misses coordinated strategies across affiliates. These are not flaws of one case but of the market’s design.

    Doctrinally, SEBI also faces hurdles. Under the PFUTP Regulations, tribunals have demanded proof of “artificial prices” or “misleading appearances”. Jane Street’s trades, though large and well-timed, were real and visible. This ambiguity may weaken SEBI’s case before appellate forums, showing how difficult it is to stretch the old standard to new trading strategies.

    The policy lesson is straightforward: in the absence of change, SEBI will continue to act reactively, making headlines by penalizing people after the fact while running the risk of legal reversals. Reliance on VWAP and fragmented oversight leaves India exposed in ways other major markets have already addressed through auctions, randomization, and consolidated monitoring.

    For the world’s largest derivatives market, with millions of retail traders, the demand is simple that India’s framework should be at least as robust as that of the US or EU. Anything less risks repeating the same cycle.

  • Bridging Borders: SCRR Amendment 2024 and India’s Gateway to Global Capital

    Bridging Borders: SCRR Amendment 2024 and India’s Gateway to Global Capital

    BY MANAV PAMNANI AND SHOURYA SHARMA, THIRD-YEAR STUDENTS AT NALSAR HYDERABAD AND JINDAL GLOBAL LAW SCHOOL, SONIPAT

    INTRODUCTION

    The Department of Economic Affairs, Ministry of Finance (‘MoF’), has recently amended the Securities Contracts Regulation Rules, 1957 (‘SCRR’). This Amendment attempts to make it easier for Indian public companies to list their equity shares within International Financial Service Centres (‘IFSCs’) such as the Gujarat International Finance Tec-City (‘GIFT City’), under the framework of Direct Listing of Equity Shares Scheme and the Companies (Listing of Equity Shares in Permissible Jurisdictions) Rules, 2024. One of the significant changes under the Amendment is the reduction of minimum public shareholding thresholds from 25% to 10% for listing made in IFSCs, making international listings more accessible, especially for start-ups and technology-driven enterprises. This move mirrors the government’s broader commitment towards placing India among the world’s competitive investment-friendly destinations and financial hives. This article attempts to analyse the legal framework of this Amendment, alongside exploring its practical implications for the Indian financial landscape.

    REGULATORY FOUNDATIONS AND LEGISLATIVE DEVELOPMENTS

    The SCRR was notified by the Central Government to help achieve the objectives of the Securities Contracts (Regulation) Act, 1956 (‘SCRA’) effectively. The preamble clause of the SCRA states that the objective of the statute is to regulate undesirable transactions in securities by overseeing the dealing in securities and monitoring other ancillary business activities. The Amendment aligns the SCRR with this overarching objective. The legal foundation of this Amendment lies in section 30(h)(A) of the SCRA, which gives the Central Government the power to introduce rules stipulating the specific requirements that companies have to follow to get their securities listed on any stock exchange. The word “any” here has to be given a wide interpretation to align with the framers’ intention which was to bestow supervisory and regulatory authority upon the Government to foster the maintenance of a reliable and efficient securities business framework. Therefore, the regulation of listing of securities on IFSCs squarely falls within the competence and authority of the Government.

    Earlier in 2024, the MoF, through a notification amending the Foreign Exchange Management (Non-debt Instruments) Rules, 2019 (‘NDI Rules’), explicitly enabled the listing of securities of public Indian companies on international exchanges recognized in Schedule XI of NDI Rules. This, termed as the Direct Listing Scheme, governed several intricacies such as permissible investors, compliance with sectoral caps, regulations regarding prohibited sectors, and pricing guidelines. Simultaneously, the Ministry of Corporate Affairs (‘MCA’) had also introduced the Companies (Listing of Equity Shares in Permissible Jurisdictions) Rules, 2024 by virtue of its power under section 23(3) r/w section 469 of the Companies Act, 2013 to regulate the entities that can list and jurisdictions where the listing can take place.

    However, both these enactments, along with the Companies (Amendment) Act, 2020 which prescribed certain similar requirements pertaining to listing in international exchanges, served as mere regulatory tools rather than efficient operational guidelines. They prescribed an overarching framework that has to be adhered to during such listing and discussed the eligibility criteria but failed to provide or clarify points regarding specific thresholds and other operational mechanisms specified under the SCRR.

    LEGAL ANALYSIS

    The recent Amendment fills the void identified above by introducing a few but impactful changes in the securities listing regime, thus reflecting its commitment to fostering a globally competitive and investor-friendly framework while aligning domestic practices with international standards. These international standards include the minimum public float thresholds in jurisdictions like Singapore, the International Organisation of Securities Commissions’ principles of efficiency, transparency and fairness in cross-border listings, the securities regime in the Dubai International Financial Centre, the Financial Action Task Force’s Anti-Money Laundering /Combating the Financing of Terrorism recommendations, and the pricing mechanisms and sectoral compliance thresholds present in the European Union Capital Markets Union and the United States Securities and Exchange Commission Regulations.

    The widespread benefits accruing to investors and other stakeholders through the effectuation of this Amendment not only covers the inflow of higher foreign capital and a more efficient and dynamic securities framework but also extends to direct tax advantages. section 10(4D) of the Income Tax Act, 1961 provides a significant tax exemption on income arising from transactions conducted on recognized stock exchanges within IFSCs, including GIFT-IFSC. This incentivizes participation, reduces transactional costs for investors, and creates a persuasive financial rationale for businesses contemplating listing on foreign exchanges. It is also in line with the numerous Double Taxation Avoidance Agreements (‘DTAAs’) entered into by India to prevent non-resident Indians from being taxed twice, in both, India and their country of residence, thus significantly alleviating their tax burden. Additionally, the Securities and Exchange Board of India (‘SEBI’) has considerable control over listing and transactions in the IFSC, as is evident from the scheme of the SEBI (International Financial Services Centres) Guidelines, 2015. This reiterates the commitment of SEBI to safeguard the interests of investors and other stakeholders, alongside maintaining an effective securities landscape.

    An important caveat to consider with respect to this Amendment is that the reduction of thresholds from 25% to 10% extends only to listings made in the IFSC. This implies that as per domestic subscription requirements, the extent of public shareholding is still fixed at the previous 25%. This distinction creates a dual regulatory framework, potentially leading to compliance complexities for companies seeking listings in both domestic and IFSC exchanges. This may limit the seamless integration of domestic and international listing strategies, requiring companies to carefully navigate the differing regulatory requirements to maximize benefits and avoid potential conflicts. Although the text of the Amendment alters Rule 19(2)(b) of SCRR, which covers domestic listings, the primary intention of the legislature was to effect changes in the IFSC listing framework. This ambiguity necessitates a clarification, which will most likely uphold uniformity by stating that the reduction also extends to listings made on domestic stock exchanges by companies wishing to obtain listing on permitted international exchanges. The importance of such uniformity and standardization is also evident from the two definitions (IFSC and International Financial Services Centre Authority (‘IFSCA’) that have been introduced which do not impose their own requirements but simply suggest an alignment with the definitions incorporated in existing legislations. The Amendment while defining these terms states that an IFSC means an IFSC as defined under section 3(1)(g) of the IFSCA Act, 2019 and an IFSCA means the Authority established under section 4(1) of the IFSCA Act. This significantly reduces complexity and fosters consistency and clarity in the navigation of relevant legalities pertaining to share listing and other compliance requirements.

    PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS

    This Amendment marks a shift in India’s financial regulatory regime by redefining the entry of companies into global capital markets. In its amplitude, it is not an ordinary technical change but a strategic recalibration of structures of investment. The reduction of public shareholding thresholds from 25% to 10% for foreign listings creates an easier route for start-ups, emerging businesses, and small, mid and large capitalisation companies to access global capital, a phenomenon that is already experiencing an upward trajectory. For example, the gross foreign portfolio investment (‘FPI’) in India was massively estimated at around US$ 41.6 billion in the year 2023-24, which is bound to increase manifold due to this Amendment. The business insights from  companies like Reliance Industries Limited and HDFC Bank Limited, among others, reflect clear examples of corporations successfully accessing large amounts of global capital due to international financial listing. This consequentially places Indian business enterprises in a robust position as reduction in public shareholding compliance requirements is an attractive proposition for investors.

    Interestingly, the lowering of the barriers to international capital access also provides the same growth opportunities to a wider spectrum of sector-specific enterprises, including deep technology, renewable energy and biotechnology. These are crucial sectors requiring large investments. Furthermore, this change may even decentralise India’s economic hubs by allowing international capital to penetrate smaller companies located in tier-2 and tier-3 cities. As an offshoot, regions other than the economically prospering metro cities would witness increased industrialisation and employment generation since more local companies would gain access to foreign investments.

    A research conducted by the International Monetary Fund on emerging markets provides a broader context in which this Amendment fits into a global trend, towards more accessible and flexible capital markets. It represents the benefits of India’s strategic approach to positioning itself as an attractive destination for global investors. Indian firms may be better positioned to raise capital in foreign currencies with a more straightforward pathway to listing abroad while hedge-protecting firms reliant on imports for raw materials or technology from the capricious market exchange rate.

    Contrary to the apprehensions of capital outflow, this Amendment may benefit India’s domestic markets since an international listing enhances reputation of a company, provides international exposure, and encourages investor confidence. Companies will attract a larger pool of sophisticated retail and institutional investors, leading to increased credibility and brand value through such listings. This will enhance liquidity, valuation, expertise, innovation and overall market efficiency.

    However, the opportunity comes with nuanced challenges, particularly for companies that aim to be listed on both domestic and international exchanges. In a dual-listed company structure, the requirement for multi-jurisdictional shareholder and board approvals introduces complexities to decision-making and company operations. This substantially increases audit and compliance costs, necessitating detailed planning and high investments in financial and legal advisory services.

    CONCLUDING REMARKS

    This Amendment is more than a routine regulatory change because it aims to manifest India as a global financial hub by significantly relaxing listing requirements in the IFSC. It serves as a forward-looking measure with the objective of modernising the Indian securities law landscape and aligning it with international best practices by furthering a more inclusive access to global capital markets. With the introduction of this Amendment, the legislature has taken a significant step in the right direction and it will be interesting to observe the future course this Amendment adopts, particularly concerning its effective implementation.

  • Centralised Fee Collection Mechanism: Sebi’s Move To Shield Investors

    Centralised Fee Collection Mechanism: Sebi’s Move To Shield Investors

    BY SUKRITI GUPTA, THIRD-YEAR STUDENT AT NLU, ODISHA

    INTRODUCTION

    The Securities and Exchange Board of India (“SEBI”), has recorded around 33,00 registered entities according to its recognised intermediaries data. Amongst these, SEBI has close to 955 registered Investment Advisors (“IA”) and 1381 Research Analysts (“RA”) as of September 2024. 

    In common parlance, an IA is an entity that provides investment advice to the investors and an unregistered IA is simply the one who provides such advisory without having registration from SEBI. Interestingly, around 35% of IA are unregistered in India which entails a violation of the SEBI (Investment Advisers) (Amendment) Regulations, 2020.

    Additionally, RA also plays a pivotal role in preparing research reports by conducting investigations, research, and evaluation of financial assets. They provide advisory to investors to assist them in making decisions regarding investing, buying, or selling off financial securities, and they are administered by the Securities and Exchange Board of India (Research Analysts) Regulations, 2014.

    It was observed by SEBI through several accusations and grievances reported by investors that there is an incremental rise in the misconduct of unregistered analysts who falsely portray themselves as registered IA and RA to facilitate investment services. These entities exploit investors by giving them fake and unrealistic securities advisories to encourage investments. 

    Thus, pursuant to this, SEBI issued a circular dated 13th September 2024 to set in motion a uniform system for fee collection by IA and RA, known as the “Centralised Fee Collection Mechanism”. This initiative, co-drafted by BSE Limited followed rigorous consultations from common people and feedback from several stakeholders.

    The author in this post delves into the significance and objectives of SEBI’s new mechanism by highlighting its broader implications. Furthermore, the author critically inspects the potential concerns and queries related to this initiative. 

    HOW DOES THE CENTRALISED FEE MECHANISM WORK?

    Under this mechanism, SEBI has established a supervisory platform for IA/RA to offer a uniform and centralised fee collection process. It provides a portal through which the investors can pay the fees to registered IA/RA which will be overseen by a recognised Administration and Supervisory Body (“ASB”). Every transaction will be initiated by assigning a virtual account number, with the availability of various modes of payment like UPI, net banking, NEFT etc. For using this facility, there is likely to be a system where IA/RA shall enroll themselves in this platform and provide fee-related details for their clients and the fee collected will then be transferred to these registered entities. It is made optional for both investors and IA and RA. 

    It aims to increase the participation of investors in the securities market by creating a transparent and riskless payment environment to curb the activities of unregistered IA/RA from taking dominance of investors under the guise of regulatory compliance.

    SAFEGUARDING INVESTORS INTERESTS: NEED FOR A CENTRALISED FEE COLLECTION MECHANISM

    By introducing a Centralised Fee Collection Mechanism, SEBI aims to mitigate all possible misleading and fraudulent activities of the unregistered IA/RA. To ensure that the investor’s money is in safe hands, it is imperative to save them from becoming a victim of illegitimate entities. Since many investors may not know how to inspect whether an entity is a registered one or not, therefore, it is the onus of SEBI, being a market regulator, to guard the interests of investors by introducing such an appropriate mechanism. 

    In the author’s view, by providing a centralised platform for payments, SEBI might ensure that the investor’s personal information and data remain fully confidential and safe since there will be a very minute chance of data leakage due to all the services being provided in one designated sphere. Secondly, through various digital payment modes being facilitated, there remains a minimal chance of disruption in the payment mechanism, ensuring a seamless and steady payment. It will also keep a check on the fees charged by these registered entities concerning  SEBI’s guidelines regarding the fees charged by IA, thereby helping to reduce exorbitant charges. Additionally, investors will not be charged any platform fee thus reducing unnecessary expenditure.

    Also, by operationalisation of this centralised payment system, investors will easily identify which entity is a registered entity. This will in turn be beneficial to IA and RA because they will get due recognition as they will be distinguished from unregistered ones. This will help them to attract genuine clients seeking their assistance. Furthermore, it will also help IA/RA who do not have any automated platforms of their own, thereby saving time and reducing burden

    CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF THE MECHANISM

    To delve deeper into the implications and analysis of the Centralised Fee Collection Mechanism, it is essential to ponder on three major points. Firstly, for what purpose the mechanism is kept optional, Secondly, whether such an initiative enhance investor’s vigilance when hailing services from unregistered entities? Lastly, how will this mechanism ensure the security and privacy of investor’s data?

    Discussing the first point, in the author’s view, it is essential to note that keeping the mechanism optional for users to pay and IA/RA to collect fees, is providing a flexible choice by giving them time to adapt and integrate into the new framework of the mechanism. By not mandating its use, SEBI is trying to ensure that they don’t feel that it is being involuntarily imposed upon them. Rather, they have the discretion to avail it. Additionally, potential shortcomings, challenges and doubts can also be identified for allowing further incorporation of necessary amendments and improvements based on the experience and feedback of the users and entities. 

    Therefore, the main idea behind keeping it optional is to grab the attention and trust of the investors and entities in this platform and make them familiar with the procedures for gradual adoption. This flexibility will enable a smoother transition and necessary adjustments. According to the author, SEBI might eventually make it compulsory in the near future. 

    Gauging on the second point, while this mechanism has significant potential to reduce the number of unregistered entities and heighten investor’s attentiveness, it is crucial to recognise that not all users may be aware of the reforms and regulations brought by the regulator. Thus, according to the author, to attain the full purpose of the mechanism, SEBI needs to prioritise its promotion through advertisements, webinars, awareness activities etc., via authorised channels. If the targeted audience becomes aware of such a facility, the likelihood of success of such an initiative would increase, eventually serving a larger segment of the investing public.

    One concern of IA/RA regarding this mechanism could be the reluctance of investors to provide their personal information while paying fees. Many of them may not be comfortable sharing their details on an online platform like such. To cater to this, SEBI must ensure transparency by rolling out certain procedures for safeguarding investor’s privacy and trust. One approach could be to give a unique identification number to each investor for aid in digital enlisting. E-receipts, payment tracking and reconciliation could also be enabled. SEBI can also launch a portal alongside, which will enable the investors to report any issue encountered by them during transactions. It may operate like a customer care center to deal with and sort out the grievances faced by them. 

    While it appears that this mechanism is viable to ensure adequate safety and privacy of the investors, yet, there is a need for vigorous regulation to fully reassure the investors of their privacy and trust in IA/RA. 

    CONCLUSION

    SEBI’s introduction of Centralised Fee Collection Mechanism is a double-edged sword, safeguarding both investors and entities. By offering a compliant and centralised system for fee collection, it is not only protecting investors from deceitful and unauthorised entities but also fortifying the credibility of registered IA and RA. It also marks a noteworthy step towards establishing a transparent, viable and secured space in security’s advisory sphere. However, for initiatives like this to become successful, it is crucial to focus on its continued promotion, awareness, investor education and robust privacy safeguard standards to entrust confidence in the platform. Eventually, this mechanism aims to build a safer, systematic and coherent environment that benefits both the investors and advisory entities alike. Let us see whether it will be welcomed or feared.  

  • From Hearsay to Hard Facts – SEBI’s Crackdown on Rumour Verification

    From Hearsay to Hard Facts – SEBI’s Crackdown on Rumour Verification

  • SEBI’s Norms For Sharing Real-Time Price Data: Laudable Yet Restrictive

    SEBI’s Norms For Sharing Real-Time Price Data: Laudable Yet Restrictive

    BY SACHIN DUBEY AND SUKRITI GUPTA, THIRD-YEAR STUDENTS AT NLU, ODISHA

  • Navigating SEBI’s Upstreaming Clients’ Funds Framework

    Navigating SEBI’s Upstreaming Clients’ Funds Framework

    BY AISHANA AND NIKITA SINGH, THIRD-YEAR STUDENTS AT GNLU, GUJARAT
  • Mandatory Dematerialisation of Securities: Unveiling the new MCA Amendment

    Mandatory Dematerialisation of Securities: Unveiling the new MCA Amendment

    BY TARUN THAKUR, A SECOND-YEAR STUDENT AT NLUO, CUTTACK
  • Regulating Through Litigating: Quandary of SEBI

    Regulating Through Litigating: Quandary of SEBI

    BY ANSH CHAURASIA, A THIRD-YEAR AT RMLNLU, LUCKNOW
  • Interplay Between SEBI Regulations and Liability of Financial Influencers (FinFluencers)

    Interplay Between SEBI Regulations and Liability of Financial Influencers (FinFluencers)

    By VARUN MATLANI and Vaibhav Gupta, THIRD-year students at GNLU, GANDHINAGAR

    Introduction

    The massive growth of social media influencers coupled with high internet penetration for a country with the world’s youngest population, particularly in the earning age bracket has given birth to the rise of a new segment of financial influencers or popularly known as ‘FinFluencers’. These FinFluencers claim to advise and teach people about making quick bucks through stock markets. This article examines the legal liability of their advice, to what extent they should be bound by relevant Securities and Exchanges Board of India (‘SEBI’) regulations and what accountability they have for their content to their followers who rely on them and are frequently their source of income from commercials, stock broker affiliate marketing, and the sale of their courses. Further, the article compares the newly evolving jurisprudence internationally especially in Netherlands and Germany by comparing their regulations and guidelines for FinFluencers with that of SEBI in India.

    Are FinFluencers bound by SEBI?

    The majority of FinFluencers operate outside of SEBI’s purview and prima facie do not adhere to its regulations, operating in a grey space or on a thin line of difference of definition as research analysts. SEBI, staying committed to its tagline “strength of every investor” has voluminous regulations binding those giving investment advices in order to protect the gullible and first-time investors from falling into dubious schemes. The author contends that these FinFluencers would fall within the ambit of definition of ‘Research Analyst under Regulation 2(u) of SEBI (Research Analysts) Regulation, 2014 making them accountable for their content as per the relevant regulations.

    The definition holds a person to be considered as Research Analyst if they prepare or publish content of research report or provide research report or offer an opinion with regards to a public offer or give price targets also.     These regulations also require them to be technically qualified and pass National Institute of Securities Market (NISM) exams, providing a safety net for investors and fulfilling the fundamental purpose of  SEBI.

    Interestingly, the word ‘Research Report under Regulation 2(w) includes any kind of electronic communications and generally exempts opinion on overall market trends or generalised opinions. Therefore, the videos and posts of these FinFluencers does not escape the definition of report.

    In light of these regulations, one may scrutinize the “top FinFluencers” (in terms of their follower base on social media platforms), and can broadly ascertain a pattern of content that is posted by them, i.e., giving analysis on IPOs, fundamental analysis of stocks, recommending stocks for long term or short term. A major problem that arises here is that till the time the end user watches the video, the information can be converted into misinformation due to time variation gaps (for instance, an Instagram reel being uploaded today and end user considering it relevant when it reaches him/her, but the substantial time has elapsed for the user to act correctly) and information asymmetry causing heavy losses to the viewers. SEBI Regulations provide for regulation(s) for publication of report public media whereby the said regulations are directly applicable in literal manner. Electronic communication which is perceived through various social media with a massive reach to the audience may also be categorised similar to appearance before public media whereby too, as per Regulation 21, there exists a requirement for disclosure and assurance of reasonableness and fairness in creation of such report.

    Liability if FinFluencers are made to register as Research Analyst

    Many of the “top FinFluencers” would not qualify under technical requirements (for example, possessing the 5-year experience, professional qualification, or postgraduate degree) for education under the regulation. Further, NISM exam mandate would ensure not anyone with access to the internet can start giving opinions on the internet.

    Once considered as Research Analyst, Regulations 16 and 18 shall restrict these FinFluencers from trading into scrips.

    The contents of the research report would need more precision in terms of rating and time horizon benchmarking (i.e., the validity of such advice) along with a disclaimer and persuasive liability on publishers to ensure reliable facts and information forming part of their research as per Regulation 20.

    Regulation 24 makes research analysts responsible for maintaining an arms-length distance from taking up promotional activities and ensuring that the members involved in publishing of such content are complying with Regulation 7 (with regards to technical qualifications).

    Regulation 25 would require keeping a record of all their research along with the rationale of providing so, thereby preventing any escape by any deletion of such reports and also subjecting these records for inspection.    

    International Comparative Analysis of Existing Regulatory Frameworks for Social Media Influencers Pertaining to Financial Information

    In this segment, the regulatory frameworks of Germany’s German Federal Financial Supervisory Authority (also known as BaFin) and Netherland’s Authority for Financial Markets (Autoriteit Financiële Markten – AFM) – the SEBI’s counterparts of their respective countries, are analysed with respect to their regulations and evolving legal framework with administrative actions for FinFluencers.

    • Netherlands

    The Dutch authority, AFM, conducted exploratory study to understand the legal landscape of FinFluencers and has even adopted the term FinFluencers for referring to those giving financial advice on social media platforms. The study found that FinFluencers lack neutrality and transparency, promoting risky products, and thereby keeping their own interests first. AFM also flagged the risk of non-compliance of regulations in Dutch that require influencers/finfluencers/third-party advertisers for license (s)/registration with AFM which can be drawn parallel to SEBI’s regulations in India.

    There is a Dutch ban on third-party inducements, which further prohibits FinFluencers from charging referral fees or advertisement fees. It was also noted that merely posting a disclaimer does not allow an escape route from regulations if they provide such services de facto. In the recent case of Grinta Invest, AFM issued notices to the company as well as FinFluencers for not holding appropriate licenses and promoting highly risky instruments such as foreign exchange and CFDs.

    • Germany

    The German authority ‘BaFin’ too requires FinFluencers to comply with the ‘Unfair Competition Act’ in terms of advertising products within the ambit of competition law and secondly, to comply with Market Abuse Regulation along with specific requirements from Delegated Regulations on the Market Abuse Regulations which directs any person recommending investment or investment strategy and presents himself as financial experts to comply with transparency, disclosures, fairness and other relevant provisions of Market Abuse Regulations.     Non-compliance with these regulations can lead to fine and other punishment within the ambit of German Securities      Trading Act. Unfair practices with regards to these regulations can also make the financial companies directing FinFluencers liable.

    Evolving Jurisprudence in India

    SEBI has taken note of the the impact of social media influence on stock markets, price discovery, and losses of the gullible new investors falling for “tips” or recommendations. Lately Telegram groups, which were the biggest direct contributor to these factors have been cracked down upon. In Re: Stock Recommendations using Social Media Channel (Telegram) (SEBI) it was held that those running the channel were not registered as Research Analysts or Investment Advisors and had unfairly charged fees. The number of members and quantum of tips/recommendations did have an impact though for a short time since there was a spike in trading of a particular scrip which also involved Prevention of Unfair Trade Practices regulations. This has been a leading step against social media influence on Indian traders and stock markets. But, deliberation on indirect harm to the new/gullible investor community by FinFluencers needs to be done at the earliest.

    Conclusive Analysis with Indian Regulations

    In light of international regulatory framework, the authors opine that SEBI must draw inspiration from international bodies in terms of conducting research and identifying the impact of these FinFluencers on Indian markets and the stakeholders. The SEBI regulations already in place are an example of an effective and well thought rule of law, but its implementation intertwined with the rapidly growing social media needs to be closely examined. It must be also noted that SEBI, to a great extent, has been successful in introducing changes with regards to telegram tips and trades, but cognisance of these FinFluencers and their growing popularity must be taken.

    Interestingly, in the Telegram case, SEBI took note of how a huge subscriber base can lead to manipulation of stock prices and has been actively taking steps (like imposing a ban on Telegram channels, issuing show-cause notices to offenders, etc. to prevent practices promoting unhealthy and unfair trade practices.      In contrast, the US markets have lately faced a lot of such manipulations which went uncontrolled by the Securities Exchange Commission (SEC) in cases such as Reddit’s WallStreetBets’ pump and dump of particular scrips, which is an appreciative comparison of the effective management of SEBI to keep up with the objective of securing Indian investors.

    Further, though cryptocurrency hasn’t been a domain of SEBI, the dark reality of FinFluencers can be quantitatively examined. For example approximately Rs. 5 Lakhs almost all the famous Indian Finfluencers promoted Crypto-FD, a highly risky product of Vauld, which lately stopped all withdrawal activities, a close look into the functioning would have made it evident, that the product they promote has fundamental flaws, especially in uncertain crypto markets.

    More often than not their target audience is the first-time investor, who can lose faith in markets forever with one such instance, and these are usually those who themselves have a little safety net of earnings. This example must be boldly noted to examine the ill impact that FinFluencers have the power to bring about.